When Javier Milei was only a scandalous television panelist who boasts of his sexual transgressions and his libertarian heterodoxy in economic matters, he realized that, to increase his popularity, he only needed to cover all those who were encouraged to disagree with their forceful opinions. Since then, he started to whip a wide range of characters, calling them mandriles, chantas, parasites, kukas, garbage, ensoBrados, Liliputenses and thus like that.
Far from harming him, Milei’s efforts to mobilize contempt allowed him to spray the established political caste and become not only in president of Argentina but also an international influencer with fans in all corners of the planet. Among his fans are billionaire Elon Musk, United States mandamás, Donald Trump, Italian prime minister Giorgia Meloni and many other leaders of the so -called new right.
It was thanks to the feats in such an area of Milei that the archbishop of Buenos Aires, Monsignor Jorge García Cuerva, was able to assert in the homily that he pronounced before him and other members of the National Government in the Tedeum of May 25 that “we have passed all the limits. Disqualification, the destroy, the defamation seems current currency.” He was right, of course, but it happens that the main person in charge of the unfortunate state of things that the archbishop denounced that two years before had been appointed by Pope Francis has gone very well.
Would it have erected in the stellar figure of the national political world, displacing Cristina Kirchner from the place she had occupied from the death of her husband, a more chivalrous milei who treated all others with tenderness? It is very unlikely. Bad that many weigh, it would seem that the times that are far from being conducive to the “republican” ños “of outdated customs who resist offending their adversaries. In times of crisis, such as this in which the entire world has just entered when collapsing the international order that was improvised after the fall of the Berlin wall in 1989 and the disintegration of the Soviet Union two years later, the unbroken vehemence usually works much better than temperance.
Although Milei and García Cuerva will agree that the social situation in the country is terrible and that the situation in which a good part of the population is very bad is very bad, they disagree about what could be done to remedy it. In the opinion of the furious libertarian, the courtesy and goodness that the prelate would preferred to be accompanied by the iron will of building a macro frame that is viable for a less lethargic economy than the existing one, a task that, unfortunately, could not be carried out unless the government is hard, and aggressive, as to make trizas of an endless rights acquired and for a time, harm vulnerable sectors such as the one formed by retirees. Unfortunately, Milei is not wrong when she says there is no money and implies that it would be suicidal to be more generous with the money of others.
It is very easy, and therefore very tempting, insisting that the State would have to help much more to those who depend on the pension system, but unless other expenses were reduced, an eventual retirement increase could only generate more inflation that would soon annul it. As antipatic that seems, the majority’s income does not depend on the solidarity of the rulers on duty but on the productivity of the set that, in Argentina, is very low.
Without proposing it, the many politicians who, for allegedly Morales reasons, refused to take that annoying detail into account, managed to gain the country and create the conditions for a leader as extravagant as Milei. It is that the libertarian Gritón embodies the rage of the many millions of Argentines who have the right to feel scammed, marginalized and despised by the dominant “caste” that, in addition to the professional politicians, includes those who have benefited from “the model” nothing equitable that so many continue to defend.
Is Milei continue to distribute good reasons to oppose among those resolved to prevent, or at least delay, the drastic changes it has in mind so that, finally, the economy lifts flight after decades of paralysis in which it has barely grown? Although it is confident that the economic successes of the last weeks – almost tamed inflation (according to national guidelines), the dollar (rather, the weight) relatively quiet after the relaxation of the stocks – will help to prolong their political hegemony until the legislative elections of October 25, sooner or later they could convince some who support it without there It would not be dangerous so much to dispense with its services.
The idea that it has been necessary for someone like Milei to be in charge of doing “dirty work” that required a country devastated by years of disgust by subjects as corrupt as inoperative, but that once restored a certain rationality it would be better to replace it by a more balanced person, it has not yet been adopted by the majority, but walking time could influence the attitude assumed by different sectors of the electorate the political and social perspectives of the country.
For monothematic leaders such as Milei, success can be a double -edged sword. If you eliminate the causes of your arrival to the Presidency, which would be a feat that would ensure a place of privilege in the National Pantheon, its permanence at the summit of the political pyramid would cease to depend on the resentment caused by the repeated faults of others.
Although Milei warns that they would have to pass many years before the reform program that has been conceived and that, they will make of Argentina the richest country in the known universe, sooner or later many will come to the conclusion, perhaps premature, that the recovery is already well directed and it is necessary to give priority to other aspects of national life will be made. Thus, Milei will have been the indicated man for a certain moment, but it may not be for a long time more if, thanks to his ability to distinguish the fundamental of the merely accessory, the country finally leaves the crisis that, in 2023, threatened to unleash a hyperinflationary tsunami that would impoverish almost all.
Happily for Milei, and for the country, Mauricio Macri and members of what still remains of their environment seem willing to put their adhesion to the current phase of the government’s economic strategy to the anger that surely produces the destroy of the president. They understand that it would be an unforgivable mistake to divide the “centrodechist” vote in the province of Buenos Aires, since the only beneficiaries would be the Kirchnerists. Although there are surveys according to which freedom progresses, it is becoming stronger in the overdimensive district in which the densely populated conurbano has little in common with the rest, of loving it, it could deprive it of what it would need to conquer it. As it happened in the Federal Capital a couple of weeks ago, it would be enough for the eventual winner to surpass his rivals for a point even when he got such a reduced percentage of the votes cast that, if the rules were others, he would have condemned him to a humiliating defeat.
Since, from the point of view of the ñoños who care about forms, for now Kirchnerist populism raises more risks to the country and its inhabitants than mileism, it is understandable that, at the current situation, macristas and radicals feel constrained to swallow a toad after another and continue supporting the libertarian government with the hope that he learns to behave more civilly. Although it has become fashionable theorizing about the impact – positive according to the Mileists, negative in the opinion of many others – that have had in the public discourse the sewage that libertarians are resolved to colonize, there are those that are committed to the fact that it is a transitory phenomenon of a society that is going through a convulsive stage.
Milei believes that his destiny, and that of the country, will depend on the “cultural battle” that the supporters of modern capitalism against those committed to collectivist schemes are pounding. The macristas have always thought the same, although until very recently they did not think that liberalism could acquire the populist characteristics, not to say plebsy and authoritarian, of the version that Milei has made and their supporters. However, although it would seem that Mileists are winning the economic cultural battle, since at this point few really believe it would be great to try to solve people’s problems by reactivating the machine, another cultural battle is already in progress among those who value mutual respect and those who, like Milei, see it as a symptom of weakness.
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