Cristina Kirchner made the first movement. Knowing that the result of a clean file was still open the days before her treatment (and there were serious chances of losing), the former president challenged Minister Ricardo Lorenzetti and put himself in the trench. The play went better than I expected.
Because the ruling and its allies failed to get the majority for clean record, so the possibility of being a candidate opens. But in addition, because it put pressure on the Supreme Court, which must fail on the road cause.
No law. Cristina decided not to follow the debate in the Senate on the project that could prevent her from being a candidate. He filled the agenda of political meetings and ignored what was happening in Congress.
Without being connected minute by minute, I knew that the ruling was going to put it in the center of the scene and that the Peronist bloc, which did not have control of the session, would defend it with the argument of the proscription. It is what he had anticipated on Tuesday 6, at a meeting he held at the Patria Institute with some senators, to raise the discursive strategy.
On the recommendation of other leaders, the former president saw the speech of one of her favorites complete. Anabel Fernández Sagasti, a camorista senator for Mendoza, spoke vehemently. “Antiperonism has the toupee to name this project clean, but it has nothing. But the biggest toupee is simply putting the cleaning of proscription at the same level,” he said. And he completed: “This proscription that tries to execute the national Senate is done with the electoral calendar initiated and we want to impose the proscription on a person so that they cannot be a candidate for facts that occurred long before the sanction of this law.”
Once the vote resulted in rejection (36 affirmative to 35 negatives), there was excitement. An excessive celebration in the PJ block, for a law whose spirit is to prevent those with a double conviction for a crime against public administration cannot be candidates.
In the PRO and the UCR there was surprise for the result and an accusation towards the libertarians. If they did not achieve the majority, it is because two missionary senators, Carlos Arce and Sonia Rojas Decut, who usually accompany the ruling party, though they had said that they had said they would vote in favor. Was there agreement with Cristina? Does the government prefer to raise it to the ring as a candidate to polarize with it? The speculations were the order of the day. “Here there is a clear impunity pact. We Argentines are not dumb,” Deputy Silvia Lospenno, promoting the project, protested. Many leaders were for the same position.
Judicial decision. Without a clean file law, the way to the next elections seems to be paved for Cristina. You can choose to put the head of the list of national deputies or play in the province.
The only threat is now in justice. The Court can decide its procedural situation at any time in the road cause and that worries it. That is why he requested Lorenzetti’s challenge, arguing that the minister had anticipated that the highest court would fail before the elections. “His independence is severely committed,” says the legal statement signed by Carlos Beraldi and Ary Llernovoy, defenders of Cristina. And he doubts “his impartiality and integrity at least to continue intervening in this process.”
To found her order, the former president cited a note from this May 2024 magazine, in which Lorenzetti’s personal relationship with Javier Milei is revealed. Relationship that led, in addition, to the Minister of the Court to suggest names to complete the highest court of justice. However, the same article indicates that the minister also boasts of having had a closeness with her and other presidents. Was it ethical before and now not?
Lorenzetti reacted quickly to Cristina’s claim. With an internal note he asked his peers, Carlos Rosenkrantz and Horacio Rosatti, to dismiss the former president’s proposal. If they do, Cristina already has the armed political strategy: they will once again stir the flag of proscription.
The truth is that the Court can resolve open proposals on the road cause at any time. If they decide against the former president, the sentence will be firm for six years, he cannot be a candidate and even the prison order would be effective. Only a fact takes peace of mind to the Patria Institute: the file is not yet on the desk of the courtiers. That indicates that there is no trouble to solve.
Suddenly, the dark horizon that the former president saw began to clear. Without alternatives in Congress and without trouble in justice, his candidacy would be a fact. And even more: it is even excited about the possibility of obtaining a victory at the polls. If the ruling and the PRO do not achieve an agreement and divide votes, the chance of being the most voted candidate opens. Some surveys that receive support your hypothesis.
Cristina began to fantasize about that possibility: she went from imagining as a proscribed leader and without maneuvering margin in the internal struggle of power of Peronism, to conjecture a triumphal return to the polls.
The events of the last week also serve to accommodate the many inwards in Peronism. Without chances of being a candidate, his actions would have fallen, but now he has a maneuver margin in his dispute with Axel Kicillof. Cristina was prepared to fly the banra of proscription, but now the electoral path was released.
