The Aristotelian classification of political regimes could have included the “egocracy”, a system in which the crratos (power) lies in the ego of a leader. But not in the meaning of the Latin root of ego (me) or in the Freudian sense (self-consciousness) but in the sense that the common use of the term gives it: excess self-valuation.
When the “crratos” is in the “ego” of a leader, that is when that leader acts motivated by the cult of himself, the nation is in the hands of an “egocrat”, the leader who makes the government the scene of an exclusive and stellar prominence: his.
Donald Trump holds the features of the Egocrat, including an infraval of the “other” that reaches contempt. In the head of the egocrat, narcissism takes command by replacing intelligence. That is why it acts negligently. Its main objective is to show superiority over others. And that leads him to make mistakes.
Those who applauded their rude fanfarería in the Republican Political Committee seem to not understand what the vulgarity with which Trump humbled the rulers who asked to negotiate. He had to praise those who responded with sense and moderation to their tariffs, but humiliated them describing them as complex unworthy that “kiss her butt.”
An American president using expressions that are unpleasant even in Bukowski’s poems, exhibits a mixture of vileness and mediated that this stretch of history becomes bleak.
Surely, the world is plagued by mediocre and ruins leading nations, but Trump holds his lack of intellectual and human quality. It boasts of being a patán.
To that is added that you advance looking at the rearview mirror. That is why the world crashed against the tariff wall he raised. And aggravated the damage to apply its business matonería formula.
The anachronism of their goals and the brutality with which he heads towards them is serious looking at the present and the future with his eyes on the past.
If he drove as a statesman and not as a conceited thug he would have acted on the back of how he did. Instead of attacking the rest of the countries with tariffs and then calling one to negotiate, he had to first negotiate reciprocity case by case and, to which they reject a balanced trade balance, apply the tariff punishment.
In this case the order of the factors alters the product and Trump ordered them in the worst way. First he gave them a wild beating and then began to ask one by one if they want to be his friends.
It is not certain that it finally achieves what is proposed, because the objective that led him to provoke this global shake that broke companies, Fortunas evaporated, enriched speculators, ruined small savers and probably made some broker jump from a skyscraper.
Trump seems to want the return to the last decades of the nineteenth century, when rich Americans did not pay income tax and tariffs were applied to imports, a protectionist measure that William McKinley increased in 1898. The New York tycoon admires that president because in addition to protectionism he promoted territorial expansion annexing Hawaii and occupying Puerto Rico, Philippines and Guam After beating Spain in the war that had begun in Cuba.
The initial consequence of those tariffs was beneficial to the United States, but in the medium term the contraindications that McKinley did not see to see because he was killed in 1901 appeared.
As to the first choice, Trump won his second term describing a regressive utopia: to return to the time of the large factories full of workers, with skyscrapers full of office workers in the Down Town. The time of the empires by bidding through colonies where to extract raw materials for manufacturing machinery that, in the 18th century, had launched the industrial revolution.
Trump and his inspiring, Vladimir Putin, have nineteenth -century ambitions: to conquer territories rich in mining. The Dombás in eastern Ukraine, the rare earths of that Slavic country to which the US president Bolsiquea vilely while defending the Russian invader, as well as Greenland and the Canadian Arctic with his retired glaciers leaving strategic minerals within reach of the hands.
The four leaders who embrace the new geopolitics, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Chinese President Xi Jinping, the Russian leader and Trump are nationalists and expansionists, but the last two have anachronistic looks about the greatness of Russia and the United States.
Upside down what Trump describes when talking about 80 years being looted, abused and scammed by the rest of the world, especially his western partners and allies, his country became hyper-power and reached the top of development and opulence in the eight decades of free trade that the New York tycoon tries to close.
Even if the automakers will return, the country of the manufacturing industries will not return. That regressive utopia generated a naive illusion in millions of Americans.
Cars, computers, cell phones and most other technological products have components produced in different countries. That is globalization and reduced prices making them mass consumption goods.
Just as Henry Ford caused a luxury product such as the first cars to be available to the middle classes when creating the assembly line that enabled serial production, globalization spread technological production and massified its use by lowering costs.
Trump and Putin’s geopolitical vision reflects the world of great empires disputing colonial possessions to obtain raw materials, a bid that led to World War I.
Woodrow Wilson tried to rationalize international production, trade and politics promoting democracy, with an arbitrator to avoid new wars: the Nations Society. But Europe did not understand it, bet on the failure of that League of National States and slid towards the second great war, after which the United States was the axis of free trade that enhanced development and expanded prosperity.
That is the order that could be buried under the Trump tariff wall.
